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In the traditional setting, the custodians of knowledge were normally of ''tulafale'' or orator status. The Samoan term for someone who was selected to be a recipient of knowledge was often referred to as ''o e nainai'', he or they who are specially selected for the transfer of knowledge. | In the traditional setting, the custodians of knowledge were normally of ''tulafale'' or orator status. The Samoan term for someone who was selected to be a recipient of knowledge was often referred to as ''o e nainai'', he or they who are specially selected for the transfer of knowledge. | ||
The knowledge of ''tulafale'' is sacred as is the poo of transfers of this knowledge to the ''nainai''. Generally speaking, ''tulafale''were all schooled in genealogical history and in the meanings of mythology, rituals, chants, songs, dances and so on. Senior ''tulafale'' are known as ''tuua''. When ''tuua'' transfer their knowledge to a ''nainai'' the transfer is considered to have depth. | The knowledge of ''tulafale'' is sacred as is the poo of transfers of this knowledge to the ''nainai''. Generally speaking, ''tulafale ''were all schooled in genealogical history and in the meanings of mythology, rituals, chants, songs, dances and so on. Senior ''tulafale'' are known as ''tuua''. When ''tuua'' transfer their knowledge to a ''nainai'' the transfer is considered to have depth. | ||
Because Samoa was mostly at war during the whole of the 18th century, the practice of retaining and authenticating Samoan indigenous knowledges was hampered. Consequently it is difficult now to assess what is legitimate Samoan indigenous knowledge or what had been fabricated as a consequence of political partisanship. The mythology of certain political factions became sacrosanct because it had become the core of family and church history. | Because Samoa was mostly at war during the whole of the 18th century, the practice of retaining and authenticating Samoan indigenous knowledges was hampered. Consequently it is difficult now to assess what is legitimate Samoan indigenous knowledge or what had been fabricated as a consequence of political partisanship. The mythology of certain political factions became sacrosanct because it had become the core of family and church history. | ||
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The rigid adherence to ''tapu'' on sharing knowledge requires reappraisal. The reality of some litigants today is that they lose their rightful inheritances not because the substance of their case is wrong but because their rendering of events does not tally with archival records, many of which have not been openly available for public and scholarly scrutiny. | The rigid adherence to ''tapu'' on sharing knowledge requires reappraisal. The reality of some litigants today is that they lose their rightful inheritances not because the substance of their case is wrong but because their rendering of events does not tally with archival records, many of which have not been openly available for public and scholarly scrutiny. | ||
The way that the Lands and Titles Court arrive at their decisions is as much a part of defining history as it is a part of processing claims. Flaws in the process of recording and analysing cases produce flaws in future understandings of Samoan indigenous knowledges and history. | The way that the Lands and Titles Court arrive at their decisions is as much a part of defining history as it is a part of processing claims. Flaws in the process of recording and analysing cases produce flaws in future understandings of Samoan indigenous knowledges and history. | ||
== American Samoa == | == American Samoa == | ||